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Energy Security in the Wider Black Sea Region is defined according to the two main schools of thinking that exist at the international level: the first approach is about alternative routes and alternative sources of supply — or alternative clients for those resources — and the second one involves the interdependence theory, concerning the capacity of involving in the upstream the distribution owner and the customer country and in the downstream the producer country.

If the transit countries are also involved in the interdependence, a good energy security arrangement is likely, according to this school of thinking.

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Some countries do have energy security strategies, some have pieces of such strategies or elements of it in various laws, plans and strategies, some do not perceive at all energy security as a problem, so they have an uneven way of addressing this issue.

It is less the problem of Azerbaijan, but here the perception of pierde greutatea tr is linked rather to physical security of the pipelines and the FDI, where Baku authorities are considering the issue solved through a kind of Stabilization Fund, according to the example of Russia.

Romania is far better equipped than Bulgaria to face crises, through its internal production and interconnection to the EU network, while Georgia relies on Azerbaijan and Armenia on Russia. Iran, an important producer facing serious problems with the nuclear program, radical Islamism and tensed relations with the international community has to be included here, although it does not constitute an alternative or a part of the solution for the time being.

For all these countries, as well as for the European ones — except for Russia — the so-called Southern Corridor is of tremendous importance for energy security. Therefore, the Caucasus is the key of the energy security equation in the region.

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And there are two major issues linked to the energy security dilemma in the region that are influencing the whole Caucasus Knot: - The big Security Dilemma, which has been created by Russia, a producer and supplier country for all the rest — except Azerbaijan — which defined its energy security through dependence, also linked to the former position of dominant and hegemonic country in the region and the heir of the Soviet Empire.

For the former socialist countries, the recipe is the same, except for the Russian elements. The second term of the security dilemma comes from the other countries, which are looking to diversify their imports and routes in order to have alternatives and to be in a position of real competitiveness, with the capacity to decide on their own choices of foreign, defense and security policies.

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The little dilemma involves those four countries - Russia and Armenia, Turkey and Azerbaijan. Increasing the energy security of those countries through alternative means and reducing the interdependence makes Georgia lose its security, and this fact because energy security is defined, in the case of Georgia, especially through this interdependence.

The most important case is that of Armenia: if Armenia increases its energy security by the alternative sources from Iran and lowering the dependence from Russia, Georgia will feel less secure, and not only in the sense of energy security, but also in terms of hard security as well.

Russia will have a motif less to care about the cut of supplies to Georgia or invading its territory. At a less respect, but still important for hard security, the Little security dilemma plays on Turkey, but it counts, since the alternatives in the Middle East and Iran are not reliable and the price of the gas from Azerbaijan is more convenient.

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Moreover, the definition of the geopolitical profile and of the strategic relevance of Turkey is dependent on this alternative route for the energy to Europe and the West. Even Russia has a huge problem, since maintaining Armenia close to it means offering the needed gas and oil, and this is maintaining the transit route via Georgia, thus giving Georgia leverage. Alexander cut the Knot and solved the problem without falling in the trap of solving a complicated practical problem, so there is an actor who could do the same: Russia.

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Some attempts and warnings have been made during the Russian Georgian war. Some missiles fell close to the BTC-BTE pipeline, some ports as the Black Sea were occupied and the military facilities linked to the maritime police were destroyed, and the East-West route and railways were also blocked and the transit disrupted.

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Here a new element enters the scene and we need to address this issue with external actors, such as the West, EU and the US alike. But this solution involves external actors, since the existing ones in the region are not enough for balancing such a game.

We did not find, as proposed by senator Lugar — see NATO and Energy Security Chapter — the application of article 5 of the Washington treaty for energy security purposes, and not for a moment somebody thought about defining energy security the American way — free access to resources, if not the military means will ensure this imperative of economic and security survival of the state. But the careful wording and the thorough choice of the pieces to be put in all those documents help us decide that those documents were altogether a diplomatic masterpiece.

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Our goal of a Europe whole and free, and sharing common values, would be best served by the eventual integration of all European countries that so desire into Euro-Atlantic structures. It gives to Georgia and Ukraine the benefit of all their achievements meanwhile, beginning to separate the two countries.

In the case of Georgia future membership is formally stated, while Ukraine is in the framework of mentioning the Bucharest summit commitments. This gives an important boost to Tbilisi since it puts back Georgia in the framework of enlargement, after Macedonia — giant rush fat burner review invited but blocked by the name issue — and Montenegro, with an unanimously appreciated first year national plan from the MAP.

NATO member states form a unique community of values, massachusetts pierdere în greutate to the principles of individual liberty, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

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The Alliance is firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and to the Washington Treaty, which affirms the giant rush fat burner review responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security. We underscore that the NRC is a forum for political dialogue at all times and on all issues, including where we disagree. We are determined to make full use of the NRC mechanism for consultation, consensus-building, cooperation, joint decision and joint action on a wide spectrum of security issues in the Euro- Atlantic region.

Energy Security Strategies in The Wider Black Sea

It is true, at the same time that the allies are expecting from Russia confidence building measures and facts after this openness.

It is true, on the other hand - and this is to be noted in the context of the possible cut of the Caucasian Knot by Russia — that hard provisions have been put in place, in all three documents, as basic principles and guarantees for all the countries in the Euro-Atlantic area, not only from the Alliance.

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Collective defence. That commitment remains firm and binding. NATO will deter and defend against any threat of aggression, and against emerging security challenges where they threaten the fundamental security of individual Allies or the Alliance as a whole.

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The most important is the commitment not to use force and threatening with the use of force in the whole Euro-Atlantic area. As we can see, in the very article it is stated also the support of all members of the NRC for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of all states, not only the allies.

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We recommit ourselves to the goals, principles and commitments which underpin the NRC. We will work to strengthen the conventional arms control regime in Europe on the basis of reciprocity, transparency, and host nation consent. We reiterate our continued support for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia within its internationally recognised borders.

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We encourage all participants in the Geneva talks to play a constructive role as well as to continue working closely with the OSCE, UN and the EU to pursue peaceful conflict resolution in the internationally-recognised territory of Georgia. We continue to call on Russia to reverse its recognition of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions of Georgia as independent states. Crisis management.

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NATO has a unique and robust set of political and military capabilities to address the full spectrum of crises — before, during and after conflicts. NATO will actively employ an appropriate mix of those political and military tools to help manage developing crises that have the potential to affect Alliance security, before they escalate into conflicts; to stop ongoing conflicts where they affect Alliance security; and to help consolidate stability in giant rush fat burner review situations where that contributes to Euro-Atlantic security.

Cooperative security. The Alliance is affected by, and can affect, political and security developments beyond its borders.

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Instability or conflict beyond NATO borders can directly threaten Alliance security, including by fostering extremism, terrorism, and trans-national illegal activities such as trafficking in arms, narcotics and people. NATO will therefore engage, where possible and when necessary, to prevent crises, manage crises, stabilize post-conflict situations and support reconstruction. With our vision of a Euro-Atlantic area at peace, the persistence of protracted regional conflicts in South Caucasus and the Republic of Moldova continues to be a matter of great concern for the Alliance.

We urge all parties to engage constructively and with reinforced political will in peaceful conflict resolution, and to respect the current negotiation formats.

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We call on them all to avoid steps that undermine regional security and stability. Deterrence, based on an appropriate mix of nuclear and conventional capabilities, remains a core element of our overall strategy.

The circumstances in which any giant rush fat burner review of nuclear weapons might have to be contemplated are extremely remote.

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As long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear alliance. We will seek to create the conditions for further reductions in the future.

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Any further steps must take into account the disparity with the greater Russian stockpiles of short-range nuclear weapons. The NRC member states are resolved to seek a safer world for all and to create the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons, in accordance with the goals of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons NPTin a way that promotes international stability, and based on the principle of undiminished security for all.

We will continue to explore opportunities for missile defence cooperation with Russia in a spirit of reciprocity, maximum transparency and mutual confidence.